【作者】 池万兴；

【导师】 赵逵夫；

【作者基本信息】 西北师范大学 ， 中国古代文学， 2003， 博士

【摘要】 本文共约25万字，分十章对《管子》一书进行整体研究。第一、二章为《管子》研究的一些基本问题；第三至第八章主要研究《管子》与诸子的关系；第九、十章研究《管子》的文艺美学思想与文体分类问题。因此，本文从大的方面也可以分为三个部分。下面分章述之。 第一章主要论述管仲与《管子》及稷下学宫之间的关系问题。管仲是春秋时期杰出的政治家、思想家。《管子》一书虽非管仲自著，却比较真实地记录了管仲的思想与言行事迹，具有较高的史料价值。而《管子》中的大部分作品完成与战国中后期的稷下学宫这个特殊的时代与环境之中，因此，《管子》具有鲜明的时代特征与学术综合性。 第二章论述《管子》的作者、时代、编辑与版本流传等问题。文章认为，《管子》既非一人之作，亦非一时之作。它是春秋时代齐国的史官与春秋至战国稷下学宫时代历代崇尚管仲功业的“管仲学派”的著作汇集。《管子》最初可能是单篇流传，后来不断汇集在一起，形成多篇流传和多种不同本子的共同流传，最后由刘向整理成书。刘向之前，“管子书”可能有二十一、二种以上的本子同时流传。这些本子互有重复，最后由刘向合校各种本子，删除大量的重复篇目，定著为今本86篇。东汉至唐前，《管子》微而不显，唐宋之后，《管子》重新受到重视，产生了大量的研究著作。《管子》付梓刊行始于宋代。 第三章论述《管子》中的道家思想。《管子》之学派归属向无定论，或谓道家，或谓法家，或谓杂家等。本章首先指出，《管子》具有学术综合性，自成体系，是一部百科全书式的巨著。然后将《管子》中的道家术语和与《老子》相同的例句分别进行统计，再将《管子》与《老子》进行比较，从五个方面说明《管子》具有浓厚的道家思想。 第四章通过将《管子》与司马谈《论六家要旨》对黄老思想的概括和《黄帝四经》等学术界公认的黄老著作进行比较，比较深入地论述了黄老之学的渊源与产生、黄老之学的代表人物与代表作以及《管子》中黄老之学的主要特征，从而认为，如果对《管子》进行学派归属的话，它无疑属于道家黄老学派的著作。 第五章从六个方面论述《管子》中的法家思想。《隋书·经籍志》以后的所有正史著作几乎皆将《管子》列入法家，从政治的角度来看，《管子》确实具有浓厚的法家思想，但它又与秦晋法家具有明显的差异性，它法道合流，礼法兼重，法德并举，强调以民为本，比三晋法家的严刑酷法、刻薄寡恩更具有合理性。 第六章将《管子》与《左传》、《论语》、《孟子》等儒家典籍进行比较，并对《管子》中的儒家思想术语进行具体统计，并从三个方面论述了《管子》中浓厚的儒家思想。 第七章以《黄帝四经》与邹衍的阴阳五行思想为参照，对《管子》阴阳五行思想的主要内容以及其在中国思想史上的地位与影响进行了较为深入的探讨。 第八章首先通过《管子》中《兵法》等篇与1972年临沂银雀山汉墓出土的《王兵》篇文字的比较研究，认为《管子》中的《幼官》、《七法》、《参患》、《地图》、《制分》、《九变》等篇中的有关兵家文字，皆可能是《管子·兵法》篇的错简或脱简。然后对《管子》中的兵家思想进行了深入研究，认为《管子》的兵家思想上承《孙子兵法》，下启《孙殡兵法》，在中国古代兵法史上具有重要的地位，它提出的一系列战略战术原则与作战思想，至今仍具有借鉴意义与现实意义. .第九章探讨《管子》的文艺美学思想。《管子》虽非文艺美学著作，但它在有关政治与哲学的论述中也涉及到对文艺美学的认识，这是我们探讨的基础。从政治角度出发，《管子》认为美虽然是客观存在的，具有愉悦情性的美感作用，但这种作用是消极的，因此表现出功利主义美学观。从哲学角度《管子》提出的“精气说”、“虚静说”，对后世的文艺美学产生了深远的影响.而这两个方面也是本章论述的重点. 第十章探讨《管子》的文体分类及其文学表现。本章首次将现存的《管子》76篇文章进行文体归类，分级划分。分为论说文体、记叙体、问答体、经解体和格言体、律令体、纲目体、著述体共八类，对这八类文章的文体特征及其文学表现进行了较为深入的探讨。更多还原

【Abstract】 This essay is composed of some 250,000 words and divided into ten chapters in which the author has an integrated study on Guanzi. In the 1st and 2nd chapter some fundamental questions of Guanzi are discussed; From the 3rd chapter to 8th chapter the relations of Guanzi to the other scholars (such as Confucius, Xuncius, Mengcius, Hanfeizi etc.) are mainly discussed; In chapter nine and chapter ten the artistic thoughts and the classifications of the writing styles of Guanzi are discussed. So this essay can also be generally divided into three parts to discuss as the following.The 1st chapter mainly discusses the relation of Guangzhou to Guanzi and Jixiaxuegong. Guanzhong was an outstanding statesman as well as a thinker. The book of Guanzi was not written by Guanzhong himself, but the book recorded the thoughts, words and deeds of Guanzhong as a matter of fact. Which has a higher historic value for study. The main content of the book of Guanzi was completed in the unique age and situation of Jixiaxuegong-late in Zhan guo, so the book of Guanzi has a clear feature of that age and the integrity of learning.The 2nd chapter discusses the matters of the author, age, editing and edition of the book of Guanzi. The essay says that the book of Guanzi was neither written by a single person nor written at one time. It was a collection written by the scholars who admired the achievements of Guanzi in Chunqiu and Zhanguo ages. Perhaps the book of Guanzi was handed down with a passage at first. However, many different passages and booklets met together constantly and at last the book was edited by Liuxiang. Probably 21 or 22 kinds o f booklets were handed down before Liuxiang edited it. Those booklets had overlaps with each other so Liuxiang deleted a number of repeated passages to get toady’s 86. From East Han dynasty to Tang dynasty, Guanzi was not important at all, but it was again attached much importance to after Tang and Song dynasty, thus producing a lot of works. The printing of Guanzi began in Song dynasty.The 3rd chapter discusses the thoughts of Taoism in the book of Guanzi. The school of Guanzi belongs to either Taoism or Faism or other schools. At first this chapter points out that Guanzi is a great work of encyclopedia which is acomplete and systematic in learning; then it makes a statistic of the terms of Taoism and the examples which are similar to those of Taoism in the book of Guanzi; at last it compares Guanzi with Laozi and comes to the conclusion that the thoughts of Taoism has great influence on guanzi from five aspects.The 4th chapter mainly compares the generalization-discussed in Guanzi and in LUNLIUJIAYAOZHI written by Simanan-of thoughts of Huangdi and Laozi with otherworks on this item such as HUANGDISIJING, discusses the source and origin of the learning of HU AN GDI AND LAOZI as well as the main features of the characters and masterpieces of the learning of HUANGDI AND LAOZI. Therefore, the school of Guanzi should certainly belong to the school of HUANGDI AND LAOZI if it is classified.The 5th chapter discusses the thoughts of Faism in the book of Guanzi from six aspects. SUISHU-JINGJIZHI and the succeeding works all classified Guanzi into Faism, but Guanzi does have the thoughts of Faism from the view of politics, while it has obvious differences with the Faism in Qin and Jin dynasty-it is a combination of Taoism and Faism, rules and courtesies, regulations and morals, and it also stresses man-centred idea which is more reasonable than the three-jin dynasty’s severe sentence and unkindness and mean.In the 6th chapter the author compared Guanzi with Zuozhuan, Lunyu, Mengzi and other works of Confucianism and made a statistic of the terms of Confucianism describing the thoughts of Confucianism in Guanzi in three aspects.In the 8th chapter the author compared the book of Bingfa in Guanzi with the book of Wangbing unearthed in Linxi in 1972 and concluded that such the books as Youguan, Qifa, Canhuan, Ditu, Zhifen, Jiubian all were the false or repetitive editions of Guanzi-Bingf更多还原