【作者】 李楠；

【导师】 江帆；

【作者基本信息】 辽宁大学 ， 民俗学， 2008， 硕士

【摘要】 恩格斯在其经典著作中将人类社会生产划分为物质生活资料的生产和人类自身的生产两大类,并指出人类自身再生产对于社会进步与发展的基础性作用。中国作为传统的农业大国,世代以农耕为主要生计方式,家庭对劳动力有着迫切的需求,这在很大程度上影响了广大民众的产育观念。特别是在中国乡村的日常生活中,产育不仅标志着个体生命的延续,同时也是关乎家族种族绵续的大事。为了保证产妇顺利产下子女,广大民众在长期的生活实践中积累了丰富的产育知识和技术。关于产育的知识,大多以禁忌、习俗等形式世代相传,而产育技术则通过仪式和身体,深深烙印在俗民群体和俗民个体的记忆中。这里的产育技术不同于自然科学范畴中的科学技术,它是民众在与自然和社会的互动中,为谋求自身生存和发展而创造和传承的经验知识和生活方式,是民众生存逻辑与生存智慧的体现。通过产育场域中的身体实践和产育知识经验的生产与传承,女性扮演着与男性截然不同的角色,严格按照社会文化所赋予的两性分工行事。另一方面,产育场域中的实践和知识生产又强化着男女两性自然的生理差异,并逐渐被赋予更多的历史和社会文化意义。女性的社会性别认同是通过男性统治而获得的,并逐渐内化为女性的自我意识。伴随着中国社会的现代化进程,国家权力和专家系统不同程度地渗入到乡村民众的日常生活中,与民间的产育制度相遇。它们减少了产育行为中的风险,并监督民众的产育行为,造成人类自身生产技术,即民间产育技术,被国家权力和专家系统所改写和接管,女性的身体以更加隐秘的形式被社会所压抑和钳制。本文出于对女性身体的关怀,将女性的身体、知识和权力的关系纳入到产育民俗中来探讨,在详细记述辽北一个村落产育民俗的基础上,分析女性的身体是如何被建构的以及现代女性所面临的新的遭遇。本文绪论部分主要对选题的意义目的、研究现状,本文所用材料、研究方法,本文的理论创新和不足之处加以说明。第一章主要对辽北大觉堡村的时空坐落及当地民众的婚育生活做以概括性的介绍,以便深入理解他们的婚育观念和行为逻辑。同时,出于对行文结构的考虑,将“产育”等重要概念以及对产育行为的阶段性划分在本章中一并介绍。第二章运用布迪厄的实践理论,在对产育场域中准备与恢复阶段的产育民俗事象加以细致描述的基础上,分析行动者实践背后利益的建构动机,并将其理解为行动者的生存策略。第三章仍秉承布迪厄实践理念,通过“老娘婆”口中的产育仪式展演,从关系的角度思考占据不同位置的利益各方在产育仪式中所扮演的角色,对其进行文化功能的审视,并对产育仪式的现代化转型进行深入思考。第四章运用保罗·康纳顿体化实践的理论,从一个老娘婆的成长史看身体实践层面的产育技术民俗,以及国家与民间、传统与现代是怎样通过“老娘婆”而进行互动的。第五章引入福柯有关身体、知识与权力的关系视角,对被建构的女性身体进行反思,透过产育场域这个“小社会”来分析现代性条件下女性所处的境地及其面临的新的遭遇。女性的被建构虽有其生理原因,但更多的是社会文化所赋予的,在产育场域中,这种身体与权力的对抗与合谋表现得尤为突出。现代社会中,权力与知识的结合不但没有还女性身体以自由,反而使其陷入更深的压抑与钳制。这是结束语部分所要阐明的问题,同时也希望能够以此唤醒女性对自身的关怀。更多还原

【Abstract】 Engles divides the human society production into material life resources and humankind’s production.He points out that the latter plays a basic effect on the social progress and development.As a traditional agricultural country,with the way of livelihood on farming generation by generation,Chinese families need the labors eagerly which affects the concept of childbirth from a large extent.Especially in the daily life of countryside,childbirth not only symbolizes the continuity of human being itself,but also has something important to do with the continuity of family race.In order to ensure the safety of birthing,the folk have accumulated rich knowledge and technology of childbirth during a long time practice.Most childbirth knowledge is descended by taboos and customs,while technology of it is by ceremony and body marking deeply in the memory of the folk and individuals.The technology of childbirth,which is created and descended on the purpose of making themselves live and develop better ,embodies the living logic and wisdom of the folk in the interaction between nature and society.And that is why the technology of childbirth is different from that in the field of natural science.Through the body practice,experience and knowledge of childbirth,females play a different role from males,which is strictly divided on the basis of gender work division endowed by the social culture in this field.On the other hand,the practice and knowledge production in childbirth emphasize the natural physiological differences between males and females.Meanwhile, it is gradually endowed more historical and social cultural meanings.The gender identity of females in society is gained by the rule of males and gradually turns into their self-consciousness.With the process of modernization in China,the government’s power and the specialist system penetrate the folk’s daily life in the countryside,which decreases the risk of childbirth and supervises the folk’s childbirth to some extent,and finally rewrites and takes over the folk’s childbirth technology. In this way,females’bodies were controlled and oppressed in a more covert way by the society.On the purpose of showing the careness to the females’bodies,this thesis explicates the relationship among the females’ bodies,knowledge and power in the angle of childbirth folklore,as well as how the females’bodies were constructed and also the new sufferings they may encounter in modern society. We’ll explain all these problems based on the childbirth folklore of Dajiaopu village in North Liaoning.The preface is about aims and significance of the paper,what accomplishments have made by other people,what methods the paper uses and what creations and shortcomings its has.Chapter One gives a brief introduction about the location of Dajiaopu village and the livelihood,marriage and childbirth of its residents.So we can have a further understanding of their attitudes on marriage,childbirth and their behavior logic.Taking the structure into consideration,I’d like to introduce some important concepts and the division of childbirth in this chapter.Chapter Two draws on Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice to analyze profitable motives behind the agents’practice based on the detailed description of childbirth folklore during the preparing and recovering period.And the motives tend to be considered as the agents’living strategies.Chapter Three still uses Bourdieu’s practice notion,from the angle of relationship to consider the different roles of profitable parties in childbirth ceremony through the shows of childbirth ceremony which was told by a midwife.It also surveys the cultural function and takes the modernized transformation of childbirth ceremony into deep consideration. Chapter Four analyzes the folklore of childbirth technology from the body practice about a midwife’s experience and how the nation and the folk, as well as the tradition and the modern,interact on Connerton’s Theory of Incorporation.Chapter Five quotes Foucault’s relationship perspective,concerning body, knowledge and power,to reflect on the constructed females’bodies controlled and oppressed in a more covert way and to analyze the females’condition and new sufferings confronted in modern society.There indeed exists physiological reason for females’construction,however,the most important reason is social culture.The confrontation and complicity between body and power stand out in the childbirth field.In modern society,the combination of power and knowledge refuses to give freedom back to females’bodies,which makes females’bodies controlled and oppressed in a more covert way.In hopes of waking females’concerns to themselves,the finishing part illustrates the above problems.更多还原