【摘要】 胡旭辉(2019)认为汉语"起来"中动句的动词前不接受施事性的副词修饰,因而是非宾格句,表示状态变化。但真实语句表明中动句的动词前可以接受施事性副词修饰,说明汉语中动句具有施事性。中动句语义结构上存在施事,虽句法上没有实现为主语,但可表达为其他成分。因此,汉语中动句不是非宾格结构。从认知语法视角看,中动句表示动词的受事(工具或处所)能使施事在与其互动的过程中体验到某种特性。受事(工具或处所)具有致使性,因而实现为主语,"起来"后面的成分表达为补语。改变动词论元结构的不是"起来",而是中动构式本身。"起来"在中动句中不是表示状态变化,主要通过转喻表示动作的过程。在各种类指性的基础上,中动句产生了可能的情态意义,从而失去动态的事件意义。更多还原

【Abstract】 Based on constructed examples, Hu(2019) contends that Chinese qilai(起来)-based middle construction(qilai-middle for short) is unacceptable when it is preverbally modified by an agent-oriented adverb. This observation motivates Hu’s claim that qilai-middle is unaccusative, denoting the change of state. With this conclusion as the premise, Hu proceeds to analyze how qilai-middle is derived in the framework of Distributed Morphology.Contrary to Hu’s claim, actually attested data show that qilai-middle does accommodate the preverbal modification of agentive adverbs, which indicates that qilai-middle is agentive. Moreover, qilai-middle resists the modification of zidong(自动) ‘all by itself’ and thus fails the standard diagnostics of unaccusativity. The use of reflexive ziji(自己) ‘self’ in qilai-middle and the identification of the experiencer of the post-qilai component with the agent of the middle verb show that the agent is present in the semantic structure of qilai-middle. Syntactically, the agent is not realized as the subject in qilai-middle, but it can be expressed as other constituents. All the above observations invalidate Hu’s(2019) premise that qilai-middle is unaccusative and call into question his study of qilai-middle.Following the analysis of Cognitive Grammar(Langacker 1999, 2008), this paper argues that the patient(instrument or location) in the qilai-middle can cause the agent to experience a certain attribute in the interaction between them. The experientiality of qilai-middle is evidenced by the fact that it can be modified by experiencer-taking verbs like gandao(感到) ‘feel’. Its experientiality is objective to some extent, due to various types of genericity associated with qilai-middle. Its causativeness can be shown by the fact that the causative marker shi(使) ‘cause’ can be introduced into the qilai-middle. The modality of qilai-middle manifests itself by its ability to be paraphrased by hui(会)/neng(能) ‘can’.Owing to its causativeness, the patient(instrument or location) is realized as the subject and the post-qilai component is expressed as the complement. Since qilai-middle profiles the interaction between the patient(instrument or location) and the implied agent of the middle verb, qilai-middle only admits activity and accomplishment verbs although it suppresses the telicity of accomplishment verbs. The post-qilai component is indispensable to the well-formedness of qilai-middle. Moreover, the meanings of the post-qilai com￣ponent, which should be the direct and necessary outcome of the interaction of the patient(instrument or location) and the implied agent, and the meaning of the middle verb should be in the same domain. Otherwise, qilai-middle is ill-formed.It is the middle construction rather than qilai that changes the argument structure of the verb, that is, suppresses the agent of the verb. Qilai does not express the change of state in the middle construction, but instead expresses the process of the action via metonymy. On the basis of various kinds of genericity, qilai-middle takes on the modality of possibility and thus loses the dynamic meaning of the event.更多还原