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詹姆斯·哈林顿共和主义思想研究

【作者】 左敏

【导师】 李宏图;

【作者基本信息】 复旦大学 , 世界史, 2013, 博士

【摘要】 詹姆斯·哈林顿是英国革命时期重要的政治思想家和共和主义者。近年来,随着剑桥学派的兴起与共和主义的复兴,哈林顿的思想得到广泛关注,也产生很多争议。在尽量占有各种原始材料和研究性材料的基础上,本文把哈林顿的思想和著作置于历史语境和思想语境中进行整体研究,围绕哈林顿要建立何种共和国、如何建立的问题展开,探讨他的共和主义思想的本质。本文采用微观、中观、宏观的立体式研究维度。微观研究维度旨在理清哈林顿设计共和国的思想逻辑和脉络,分析他如何将权力与权威在政府中结合起来,阐述他对宪政、公民自由、信仰自由、帝国的观念。中观研究维度致力于把哈林顿的思想置于英国革命时期的历史情境中,把思想和事件结合起来,分析哈林顿思想与当时重大事件之间的关联。宏观研究维度试图把哈林顿放在西方共和主义传统和英国共和主义思想中,阐述其对共和主义传统的继承和创新,并与其他英国共和主义者的思想作比较,探讨英国共和主义者的共性和哈林顿的特性。除绪论外,本文共分七章。第一章结合英国革命时期的重要历史事件,详细考察哈林顿的生活经历,分析《大洋国》的写作、出版及当时的反响,并介绍哈林顿的其他著作及其与当时事件的关联。第二章叙述哈林顿的产权均势理论,以及他在此基础上对欧洲和英国历史的分析。首先,笔者以文本为基础分析了产权均势理论的含义,探讨它的起源和独创性。其次,说明哈林顿如何依据这个原则分析欧洲和英国的历史,如何得出关于英国内战和革命的全部看法,如何证明建立共和国的必然性。第三章分析哈林顿的权威原则。权威原则实质上是说明如何建立具有理性、美德、权威、并能体现公共利益的共和国。笔者首先阐述哈林顿如何以激情和理性的区分为基础把理性、利益、美德、权威、“法的国家”等概念联系起来,接下来分析他如何通过两院制的政府设计以及辩论和决策相分离的规定将理性、权威、美德贯穿于共和国的结构当中,把权力与权威结合起来,使共和国能够体现公共利益,成为法律的国家。然后说明哈林顿的共和国要通过何种方式建立起来,以及他认为在建立共和国时存在的障碍。第四章具体分析哈林顿设想的共和国宪政的主体部分,包括土地法、选举制度及元老院和人民大会的职能设置。通过分析说明,哈林顿想要建立的实际上是古代及近代共和国体现出来的混合政府,但他并未完全继承古老的混合宪政理论,也不同意把英国君主制等同于混合宪政。他对混合宪政的构成因素进行重大调整,并将其与当时的主权理论和分权理论进行调和。最后分析哈林顿共和国宪政的价值追求,强调公民自由、共和国自由和世界自由是其终极目标。第五章涉及哈林顿的宗教思想。哈林顿的共和国不但要实现公民自由,还要保障信仰自由。他认为公民自由和信仰自由密不可分,缺少一个,另一个必然受损。他对宗教问题的看法深深扎根于当时争取信仰自由的斗争中,将近代宗教迫害的根源归于“神职者的谋略”。也即,古代以色列和基督教早期教会都是民主制的,神职人员由人民任命、服从世俗政府。后来神职人员歪曲了事实,攫取了人民任命神职人员的权力,获得了独立于世俗政府的权力。所以解决宗教问题的出路就是将任命神职人员的权力归还人民,并建立允许信仰自由的国教。第六章分析哈林顿的帝国思想。英国共和主义者都受马基雅维利的影响,认为共和国必须向外扩张以自保,通过扩张将自由传播给世界,这是它的道德使命。然而马基雅维利和英国其他共和主义者都陷入了“自由与伟大”的悖论中。他们从罗马历史中认识到,共和国的内部纷争和自由是向外扩张实现伟大的基础,但扩张必致自由丧失。哈林顿的独特之处在于,他跳出了这一悖论,认为他的平等共和国既可向外扩张,又可保障内部稳定与自由。这样的共和国就是完美、不朽、永恒的共和国,那么它是不是一个乌托邦,这是笔者最后要讨论的问题。第七章分析哈林顿及其信徒在1659年为使其共和国方案得以实现所做的努力。1659年是英国历史上最动荡的一年,政府频繁更迭使各种建立政府的建议和小册子层出不穷,哈林顿的大部分小册子都写于这个时候,议会内外也出现了要求实现其政府方案的请愿书和小册子,他还在这个时候组织了罗塔俱乐部,这是近代史上最早的较为规范的政治俱乐部,对传播哈林顿思想起到极大作用。

【Abstract】 James Harrington is an important republican theorist during English Revolution. In recent years, with the rise of Cambridge School and the revival of republicanism, his political thought has attracted much attention and aroused much controversy as well. This dissertation, based on variety of primary and secondary sources, explores Harrington’s republican thought in its historical and ideological context, and focuses on what kind of republic he intended to construct and by what means.This dissertation employs three-dimension research methods which are micro-, meso-, and marco-dimension. The micro dimension purports to clarify the logical frame on which Harrington brought forth his idea of a perfect commonwealth. It investigates how Harrington combined power and authority into a government, and explains his views on constitution, civil liberty, liberty of conscience, and empire. The meso-dimension which places Harrington’s thought in the historical context of English Revolution aims at combining ideas with events, so as to analyze the relations between Harrington’s thought and the great events of his age. The macro-dimension considers Harrington’s inheriting of and innovating in the tradition of republicanism, and compares his thought with other English republicans’so that the common features of English republicans as well as the uniqueness of Harrington himself will be illustrated clearly.This dissertation consists of seven chapters. The first chapter details Harrington’s life and works, especially the origin, publication and critics of his most significant political work:OceanaThe second chapter gives an account of Harrington’s most famous theory, that is, the balance of domination or property on which Harrington’s analysis of European and English history were based. Focusing on the meanings, origins and originality of this theory, the author shows how Harrington interpreted the causes of English Revolution and proved the inevitability of commonwealth through it.The third chapter analyzes Harrington’s principle of authority, which explains how to establish a commonwealth that not only has reason, virtue and authority, but also reflects the public interest. The author mainly focuses on how Harrington related the concepts of reason, interest, virtue, authority and "empire of laws" on the basis of a strict distinction between reason and passion; how he brought reason, virtue and authority into the superstructure of commonwealth by the bicameral government devise according to the principle of the dividing of debating and resolving, and how he by these means combined power and authority together in the commonwealth which was to reflect public interest and became an empire of laws. At last, the author explains by what way Harrington planned to establish his perfect commonwealth, and what obstacles he expected to meet.The fourth chapter discusses the main part of Harrington republican constitution, including agrarian law, ballot, senate and the assembly. This discussion aims to show what Harrington wanted to establish was in fact a mixed government which could be found in ancient as well as modern republics. However, Harrington did not fully inherit the traditional mixed constitution. On the contrary, he made significant adjustments to the constituent elements of the mixed constitution, and reconciled it with theory of sovereignty and separation of powers. Finally, the author illustrates the tripartite goals of Harrington’s republican constitution, and points out that liberty is the most important one.The fifth chapter concerns Harrington’s religious thought. Harrington’s commonwealth not only protected civil liberty, but also permitted liberty of conscience. He believed civil liberty and liberty of conscience were inseparable, one lost, the other damaged. His views on religious issues were deeply rooted in the struggle for religious freedom in the17th century in England. He attributed the religious persecution in modern world to "priestcraft", that is to say, the ancient Israel and the early Christian church were democratic, and their clergies were ordained by people and submitted to civil government. But later, clergies distorted facts and usurped the power of people. As a result, they got independent power from civil government. Thus, the only way to address religious issues was to give the power of appointing clergy back to people and establish a national church that permits liberty of conscience.The sixth chapter analyzes Harrington’s imperial thought. All English republicans were influenced by Machiavelli, and they believed republic must expand to on one hand protect herself, on the other spread freedom over the word, which was her moral mission. However, Machiavelli and other English republicans were caught in the paradox of liberty and greatness. Because they concluded from Roman history that internal tumults and liberty were the basis of external expansion and greatness, but expansion would inevitably lead to a loss of liberty. Harrington was relatively unique in that he jumped out of the dilemma and convinced that his equal commonwealth would be not only capable of external expansion, but also keeping internal tranquility and liberty. Such a commonwealth will be perfect and immortal. But is it a utopia? This is the last question to be discussed in the present chapter.Chapter seven describes the efforts Harrington and his followers made in1659to implement his republican scheme. The year1659was the most turbulent year in British history, with the frequent changes of government, hundreds of thousands of proposals and pamphlets concerning government sprang out. Most of Harrington’s treatises were written in this year, and some Harringtonians in and outside parliaments also appeared. During the same period, Harrington organized the Rota club which was the first normative political club in early modern history and played an important role in spreading Harrington’s political thought.

  • 【网络出版投稿人】 复旦大学
  • 【网络出版年期】2015年 03期
  • 【分类号】D091
  • 【被引频次】4
  • 【下载频次】711
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