现代中国政治话语的范式转换

【作者】 徐纬光；

【导师】 林尚立；

【作者基本信息】 复旦大学 ， 政治学理论， 2006， 博士

【摘要】 作为论文的核心概念，政治话语表达的是一个过程，一个从思想观念向现实转换所必然经历的复杂的互动过程。这一过程的起点要求，思想观念首先必须能够“掌握群众”，也就是说首先通过对人的本性的界定，以维系或破坏特定政治秩序当中的人的自我意识，并由此唤起人们对政治秩序的忠诚或反叛。按照这样的意义逻辑，它试图更为动态地把握社会形态、政治制度和观念系统之间的互动关系，并从这样一个视角出发，沿着中国共产党的政治话语的范式转换过程，考察现代中国的社会形态、政治制度转型的意义层面。本研究以五章的篇幅，按照历史的脉络考察了现代中国社会转型过程中政治话语的范式转换。第一章极其简略地勾勒了一幅传统政治话语结构的草图，作为讨论的起点。在那里，人和社会、国家之间保持着高度的同构关系，并渗透着一种道德取向。因此，对政治秩序的安排，就落实在人的本性中天理和人欲的两分之上，并试图通过儒家道德学说的灌输，以实现完美的政治秩序。问题在于，当西方帝国主义以坚船利炮轰开中国的大门之后，传统政治话语丧失了为新的社会局势、政治危机提供想象性解答的可能。因此，在经历了西学东渐所导致的整体观念系统的转变之后，中国共产党通过对马克思主义的吸收，形成了以阶级为核心的新的政治话语。第二章考察中共沿着阶级话语所展开的具体的革命过程。区别于传统政治话语的道德色彩，阶级话语认为人的根本属性在于人的阶级地位和阶级利益。因此，革命首先就需要按照阶级的尺度对人群进行区分，从中区分出革命的支持者与反对者。阶级话语之所以能够“掌握群众”，发挥巨大的政治动员作用，关键在于它确实把握住了人的现实的利益诉求，并由此通过对人们利益的满足，唤起其阶级意识，从而认同党的政治目标。显然，这一从观念向现实转化的过程远非象理论那样清晰、完整。观念的东西经受着现实的力量的修改。另一方面，作为观念的阶级话语也总是力图把现实的革命过程纳入其划定的轨迹当中。第三章考察建国初期，中共按照阶级话语的逻辑，展开的对人的改造以及对新的社会形态的建构。对人的改造所要改造的不仅是阶级地位，还包括在这一阶级地位上所形成的观念、趣味、习惯等等属于思想层面的东西，即人的阶级本性。脱离了划分阶级的客观标准，阶级话语有弥散的现象。另一方面，在对新的社会形态的建设中，由阶级话语所支撑的革命逻辑同样占据了主导地位。因此，生产的过程同样被按照阶级斗争的模式来理解，同样存在着革命的阶级与反革命的阶级。只要牢牢地抓住阶级斗争的线索，那么没有任何困难可以阻挡革命者进行生产革命的脚步。革命有革命的逻辑，建设有建设的规律，因此，在不同的阶段，需要不同的政治话语系统。而中共在阶级话语的空间中成功地夺取政权之后，却没能及时实现政治话语的范式转换。最根本的原因在于，国家对社会的全面覆盖，以及中共领袖对社会主义建设速度和进程的过高期待。在党的视野中，阶级斗争始终占据着核心的位置。问题在于，当对阶级的界定从客观的社会存在领域，游离向人的思想深处，阶级斗争的革命模式就对社会主义建设保持了巨大的势能。那么，当党在乡村推行农业合作化运动，在城市选择以重工业为绝对的发展重心时，它就越来越要求人民牺牲个人的利益，服从国家的整体利益。在中共的规范视野中，党所领导的国家本来就代表着最广大多数人民的根本利益，它和人民群众因其狭隘意识所着眼的当前利益比较起来，要更为远大，也更为崇高。因此，不断地唤醒阶级意识，就成了引导广大人民群众服从国家整体利益的手段。另一方面，对于在推行其发展战略中所遇到的阻力，党的领袖也最终采纳了革命战争年代使用到炉火纯青的阶级斗争策略，凡是持反对意见者都被当成了思想深处的反革命分子，予以打倒、批判。于是阶级话语开始蔓延，阶级斗争波及全国。无论是对于“文化大革命”的积极参与者，还是受害者，这场严重的政治内乱都是极端地摧残人性的。而为了论证其发展战略的合理性，中共以树立典型、榜样的方式，最终悬置起了没有一丝一毫私欲、完全服从党的指挥、毫不利己、专门利人的社会主义新人形象。这是第四章阐述的内容。至此，我们就对中共在革命阶段的主导话语模式——阶级话语做了比较完整地描述。由于其内在意义上的欠缺，阶级话语的革命逻辑不能支撑社会建设和现代化发展的实践。第五章考察了1978年以来中共政治话语的范式转型，最关键的两点是：首先，中共迅速清除掉了社会主义建设领域中的阶级话语扩散现象，通过承认人的私利作为社会生产力发展的动力，以分权让利的形式开启了中国的改革事业；其次，围绕着人的现实的追求利益满足的活动，社会的独立性开始成长，并逐步发展成为政治体制之外的独立的力量，反过来要求政党和国家在其规范视野中包容这一对利益的正当要求与满足。此前单方面由政党、国家的政治话语所建构的规范视野来塑造社会空间的现象，现在转变为政党、国家和社会的互动关系。这一互动发展的关系，尽管对于今天的改革事业来说，还只是刚刚具有了基础，还存在众多的问题，但已经以公民政治的规范视野，指导着中国共产党所领导下这场改革开放事业。这就表明，中共已经彻底告别了革命的政治话语逻辑，在现实的对人性判断的基础上，开启了新的社会主义建设的以公民为核心的政治话语逻辑。在其中，人的利益得到尊重和满足，社会生产的基本原则得到论证，民主政治的规范也得到了合法性证明。由此，我们得出结论，社会形态的转型与政治话语的范式转换之间存在密切的关系。成功的转型必然需要话语系统进行相应的范式转换。在这个意义上，由政治话语所构建起来的规范视野的转变，也就揭示了中国共产党自身所经历的深刻转变。更多还原

【Abstract】 As the core concept of the dissertation, political discourse expresses an inevitable complex procedure ,through which an notion turns into reality .The start point of the process , the notion firstly must "grasp the masses", namely identifying the nature of human in order to maintain or destroy the human self-consciousness in a specific political system, and to which arose the masses’ loyalty or rebellion. According to such logic ,this concept try to grasp more actively the interaction among society modality political system and ideology, and study the meaning of changing of modern China’s society modality and political system.This dissertation is divided into five chapters. According to the historical clues, it studies the transition paradigms of political discourse in modern China society. The first chapter describes a draft of the construction of the traditional political discourse in an extremely brief way, which is as the start point of my argument. Where human society and state share a highly similar construction, into which a moral order dominates. Thus arranging the political order is located on the bifurcation of justice and desire in human nature, and tries to achieve the perfect political order by imbuing with Confucianism. The point is that traditional political discourse was disabled to provide with the imaging to resolve the crisis resulted from western imperialism rushing into the traditional Chinese society. Therefore, after having absorbed Marxism, the CCP has formed a new political discourse whose keyword is class.The second chapter studies the revolution leaded by the CCP, along with the class discourse. The class discourse considers that human nature depends on their class position and interest. The reason that class discourse can "grasp the masses" and have a huge political mobilization lies essentially on that it does grasp the masses call for the real interest, and by which to satisfy their interest need, arouse their class consciousness and thus agreeing to the CCP political target. Obviously, the transition from notion to reality is far from the completeness and clear of theory. On the other hand, the class discourse as notion tried to put the real revolutionary process into orbit as well.The third chapter discusses that the CCP remolded the human and constructed the society modality. The action of remolding human aimed at not only class position, but includes the class consciousness based on class position. Aberrant from the object criterion, class discourse spread allover the society. On the other hand, the revolutionary logic of class discourse carried out the construction of the new society modality. Therefore, the process of producing was considered as the process of class struggle, in which people were classified as the revolutionary or counterrevolutionary class. As long as keep pace with the class struggle, revolutionary can conquer any difficulty to carry on the producing revolution.Revolution has its logic, construction has its law. So in different period, there is a need for different political discourse system. However, after the CCP successfully captured the regime, they failed to transit the political discourse in time. The cardinal reason lies in that the state dominates in the relationship between state and society, at the meanwhile, the leaders of the CCP over-optimistic anticipate for the speed of socialist construction. In the view of the CCP, the class struggle played an essential role all the time. But, the identification of class removed from objective criterion to minds and sentiments of human, the pattern of class struggle had an magnificent impression on socialist construction. According to the CCP view, the state led by the party represented the basic interest of the masses. Compared with the shorten interest originated from a narrow field of vision of the mass, it was far more great and sublime. So, to keep arousing the class consciousness became the way of leading the masses to sublime to the state’s total interest. Moreover, confronted with resistance, the leaders of the party adopted the tactics of class struggle. Any opposition faction was all regarded as counterrevolutionary, whom was criticized and overthrown. The Great Culture Revolution as a political turmoil, seriously damage the human nature. Proving that the tactics was successful, the CCP built a model of socialist ’NEW MAN’, who obeyed the command of the party without a little bit private interest. The part is the brief content of chapter 4.The fifth chapter focuses on the paradigms transition of the CCP political discourses since 1978. This indicates that the CCP has alreadysaid farewell to the revolution political discourse thoroughly, and create a new logical political discourse, of which the essential part is citizen. Then we can draw the conclusion: A successful transition of a society must be along with the relative paradigms transition of discourse system. And this also revealed the deep transition of the CCP itself.更多还原