山西票号研究

【作者】 李永福；

【导师】 谢俊美；

【作者基本信息】 华东师范大学 ， 中国近现代史， 2004， 博士

【摘要】 山西票号内容庞杂，头绪繁多，远非本文所能尽述。为避免重复研究和泛泛而谈的高论，本文选择了七个有典型意义的议题逐一探讨，以期达到以管窥豹的效果。当然，这七个议题，层次不同，有些是必须的铺垫工作，有些则延伸到山西票号对现代社会的启示，现分述各章主要内容如下： 第一章，主要探讨晋商的发展脉络，以及与山西票号的关系。众所周知，票商是晋商的余脉，欲了解山西票号，首先要分析晋商兴起的主客观条件。与临近的河北及陕西两省相比，晋商的成就有目共睹，除却天时地利的共性外，“人事因素”被提上议事日程，笔者正是从该方面入手，重点解读山西重商文化的养成。山西票号又是借者与贷者的桥梁，信誉的内在要求，庞大的晋商群体，以及自身利益直接受到连绵不断的战争的冲击，另外还有前此兼营汇兑的经历，都为晋商抢占金融业转型的先机增添了说服力。 第二章，以量化史料为基础，概述山西票号衍变史。山西票号存在的一百多年间，经历了四个时段：其一为初始阶段的示范效应；其二为汇兑京协饷后的大扩展；其三为汇兑外债赔款后的“回光返照”；其四为惨然退出历史舞台。与前人及时人的研究手段不同，笔者着力在量化上下功夫，主要依据山西票号总分号数变化趋势，存放汇业务的此消彼长，以及表面繁荣下所隐藏的深层次危机的具体变量。为批驳“清亡，票号亦亡”观点，笔者斗胆提出了在民国时期票号业仍有着生存空间。 第三章，尽可能统计出票号业经营官款业务的比例，为重新评价其资本属性作好铺垫。表面上看，票号业确实承汇了大笔官款，这也是最容易引起误会的话题，问题的关键是经营官款业务在票号总业务中所占的比例。本章第一节重点统计票号业不同时段汇兑官款的比例，该项业务低于20％的统计数据，为第二节的重新评价打下了坚实基础。转型期的票号业，资本属性相对复杂，由此笔者提出了“兼容说”，意即票号资本既有近代借贷资本属性，同时也不能排除高利贷资本属性。 第四章，比衬山西票号与南帮票号的异同，从而揭示肇致两帮票号迥异命运的内外因素。南帮票号晚于山西票号，其资本家多与官场有密切联系，有些甚至是亦官亦商的双重身份，主要依靠官款及热衷于投机生意是其过早衰败的最主要原因。反观山西票商，始终以民营业主身份，稳步经营，很少有投机生意的冒险举动，即便经营官款，由于在总业务中所占份额有限，不足以影响其正常经营。基于此，才出现了有影响力的南帮票号纷纷倒闭，而有实力的山西票号却能巍然屹立商界几十年乃至一个世纪。 第五章，解读山西票号经营理念，探究其成功之道是本章的主旨。山西票号的操作系统，前人及时人多有论述，笔者主要集中于制度层面考虑，其一为顶身股理念的细化;其二为严格的管理制度。两者同行并用，既调动了票号员工的积极性，同时也规避了潜在的风险，山西票号的顺利经营与此有着直接关联。 第六章，以犷清亡，票号亦亡”的观点为引子，重点考查山西票号衰败的主要原因。山西票号普遍衰败于辛亥革命和“壬子之乱”(指1912年在北京、天津等地发生的军人哗变事件)之后，缘此票号界有“清亡，票号亦亡”的观点。笔者列举了三条理由予以反驳，其一为政治、军事冲击对山西票号的影响;其二为制度因素对山西票号的制约;其三为无谓消费消弱了票庄资本家的实力。以上三条中，政治、军事冲击无疑是山西票号纷纷倒闭的罪魁祸首，即使清廷能够苟延残喘，依大多数票庄的账面实情，除非有大笔资金补进，它们才有可能坚持下来。总而言之，是诸因素的合力才导致了山西票号的衰败。 第七章，山西票号虽然退出了历史舞台，但对现代中国民营企业而言，仍有以下启示:其一为立业之本—从“纷繁”中捕捉商机的能力;其二为管理之基—从“人治”到“规治”的转向;其三为经营之魂—.崇尚信誉与广交客户。更多还原

【Abstract】 This dissertation consists of 7 chapters on seven different topics around Shanxi Banks (or Shanxi exchange shops). Some of these topics are basic research on the subject, while the others are the implications of the old Chinese financial institutions to the modern society.Chapter One mainly discusses the historical development of the business and trades in Shanxi Province and its relationship with the Shanxi Banks. As we all know, the financial business developed together with the overall business and trade in Shanxi, so if we are to know anything about Shanxi Banks, we must first of all give an analysis of the historical conditions for the rising of Shanxi business. Compared with neighboring Hebei and Shanxi provinces, the business achievement in Shanxi is very noticeable. In addition to the favorable natural environment in which it grew, human factors are held to be important as well in this chapter. Just from this point of view, the author tries to explain how the culture in favor of business had been cultivated in Shanxi.Chapter Two is a brief account of the history of the development of Shanxi Banks. Over the more than 100 years of its existence, the development of Shanxi Banks is divided into 4 stages: the starting stage, the enlargement stage, the stage for exchanging the foreign debts, and the declining stage. In the analysis, the author of this dissertation uses a quantitative approach to examine the changes of the number of the Shanxi Banks, the rise and fall of the deposits and the specific variations of the potential crisis underneath the superficial prosperity of the financial business. In response to the idea that Shanxi Bank had crashed together with the breakdown of Qing Dynasty, the author holds that Shanxi Banks had survived for some time during the age of the Republic of China.Chapter Three tries to count the rate of the funds from the government in the whole business of Shanxi Banks in order to appraise the nature of its capitals. From its surface, the Bank seemed to have transferred big sums of government funds, but this is misleading. In fact, according to the statistics of this chapter, the rate of the funds from the government is less than 20%. During the period of its transformation, the nature of the bank capitals was relatively more complicated. In the author’s view, it shares the characters of both the loan capital and the usury capital.Chapter Four is a comparison of the differences between Shanxi Banks and Nanbang Banks, revealing the interior and the exterior factors that had brought abouttwo completely different fates to the two banking systems. Nanbang Banks came into being later than Shanxi Banks, but they had close relations with government officials, and some of their capitalists themselves were officials. They mainly relied on the government funds or ventures for their business. As a result, they declined very early. In contrast, Shanxi Banks, as nongovernmental businesses, stuck to its civil businesses and seldom undertook venturing businesses. Though they also took government funds, the rate of such businesses was too low to affect its regular businesses. That’s why those powerful Nanbang Banks went bankruptcy one after another while Shanxi Banks survived for decades of years, or even as long as a century.Chapter Five is a research into the management philosophy of Shanxi Banks and the reasons for their success. As other scholars have already made some researches on the operation system of the Banks, here the author focuses on their institutional aspect. The author believes that the two factors essential to the success of its business are the specification of personal shares and the strictness of its management. These two factors not only mobilized the clerks’ initiatives but also avoided potential risks, therefore ensuring the smooth running of its business.Chapter Six is an overall analysis of the reasons for the declination of Shanxi Banks. Generally, Shanxi Bank began to decline after the Revolution of 1911 and the Prince Mutiny of 1912, thus the idea of "crash更多还原