中国近代宪政思潮研究

【作者】 王人博；

【导师】 张晋藩；

【作者基本信息】 中国政法大学 ， 法律史， 2001， 博士

【摘要】 近世中国是在西方的武力交逼而引发的民族生存危机中被动地接受了宪政价值。由于近世中国所面临的主要问题是救亡图存和富国强兵，对西方宪政的体认与吸纳就不可能做到发其端竞其绪，而是首先打破了宪政原生的文化联系，以截取的方式建立起符合中华民族复兴所需要的新关系。在西方，宪政作为类似于中国文化中的“道”，而在近世中国却被转换成一种为民族复兴、国家富强服务的“器”；宪政的价值重心主要不是实现社会正义，而是怎样才能把民族的复兴大业导向成功；宪政主要不是用来思考如何分散国家权力，而是怎样才能使国家的权力聚集起来，成为民族复兴的主导力量；西方的宪政的核心在于“人”，而近世中国宪政思潮偏向于“民”。五四新文化以及以胡适为代表的中国自由主义虽然从人的价值出发探究了宪政的文化意义，但却没有成为近代中国宪政思潮的主流，而其自身仍杂有强烈的民族主义味道。“富强为体，宪政为用”是中国宪政思潮中最主重要的一个范式，它使近世的人们无法正确审视自己的文化传统，理智地面对西方。这个范式有别于宪政的原生价值，它淡化了宪政于人本身的意义，使中国的宪政思想自始便带有完全不同于西方的文化品格。近世中国的宪政思潮在以往的法律史研究中，还是一个比较薄弱的领域。本文试图在阅读和掌握比较丰富史料的基础上，运用比较的方法和“开放式”的思考方式，对宪政思潮的发轫、过程、内容、特质及其价值取向等问题进行深入探讨，以期能够说清楚中国宪政思潮的走向以及所形成的独特范式等重要问题。全文主要由绪论、第一至第六章及结论组成。绪论部分主要从叙述西方所使用的宪政概念入手，分析了宪政与民主、共和概念的相关性。在此基础上，主要探讨和回答了中国在什么意义上需要宪政的问题。文章认为，中国和西方需要宪政所依据的理由是不同的，中国宪政思想有着自己独特的范式。第一章受损的传统世界。中国学习西方主要是从鸦片战争以后开始的。在这一过程中，既有西学对中学的冲击，也有儒学对西学的抵抗。本章主要研究了在中西两种文化的对抗中，中国的儒家官僚及其思想者在固守传统的同时在何种意义上主张学习西方的问题。由此出发，着重分析了这一时期所出现的“君民共主”思想。第二章西方的诱惑。中国的戊戌思潮是西方压力和受西方成功经验激发所产生的一种爱国运动。本章着重对这一时期所出现的“议院”、“民权”思想作了比较分析，认为两者既是来自西方的词汇，同时也是由中国传统资源所支持的概念，它们与西方宪政有着不同的意义。为此，本章还以康有为、梁启超、严复为例，对之作了进一步的深入分析。第三章求生之道。这一章主要是对晚清“预备立宪”问题的研究。清廷并不是出于对宪政的热爱而主张立宪。它始终把“立宪”看着一种求生的工具。这种为求生而<WP=3>立宪的决策、选择注定是失败的。这其中，既有满清无法克服的矛盾缠绕，也有无法摆脱的传统拖累。本章对立宪过程出现的问题、政治走向、价值选择等进行了平实地分析和论证。第四章革命。这是对共和革命的分析。该章从立宪党人与革命党人的论战入手，探讨了立宪和共和问题，同时也对共和革命的意义、革命中的隐患、“临时约法”的矛盾以及孙中山本人的思想特质等问题从宪政的视角进行了比较细致的研讨。第五章五四思想。五四新文化运动是中国宪政思潮的高峰。本章主要以陈独秀和胡适为个案对五四思潮中的反传统、青年的价值、科学与民主、民族主义、惟民主义、个人主义、自由主义等问题，从宪政概念及其价值基础方面进行了研究，旨在说明中国宪政诉求与西方的重要差异所在。第六章历史意义。这是带有总结性的一章。文章认为，中国宪政思潮受到文化实用主义的制约，中国的思想者主要从“急用”的方面去思考宪政问题，有一种“拆东墙补西墙”的感觉；他们所追求的宪政是一种“国家目标”，即不是为人权，而是为国家的强大而诉求宪政；不是为民权而是为民族而主张立宪。由此而发，中国的宪政思潮始终被政治化，受政治的支配，缺少了文化上的平等对话，因而缺少文化的底蕴，显得底气不足。最后，文章认为，“富强为体，宪政为用”是中国宪政思想、思潮的范式，它说明了中国的宪政追求在价值选择上完全不同于西方。这个范式虽然在很大程度上有背离宪政原生价值的趋向，但对于“后发宪政化”的非西方国家及其人民来讲，坚守“富强为体，宪政为用”的范式，把宪政看作现代化的一种“伴生物”而被诉求，或许是一条通行的路。更多还原

【Abstract】 It is the Chinese national survival crisis threatened by the strong military force from the west in modern China that had eventually made the Chinese people commence accepting the values of constitutionalism. However, the Chinese found it difficult to trace back the origin and flux of the western constitutionalism on account of that they had to be obsessed with the major problems of their racial survival, national richness and military strength. As a result, the Chinese ignored the cultural originality of the western constitutionalism at length. Unavoidably, they had amputated the correlation between contexts of the western constitutionalism and its culture to construct a "new" relationship to meet need of the national renaissance. The constitutionalism in the west is assumed to be analogous with "tao" in the Chinese traditional culture. It was, however, transformed to "qi" in modern China, which is supposed to serve the national renaissance and richness. Consequently, the fundamental value of constitutionalism by the Chinese is oriented to how to achieve the national recovery instead of to realize the social justice. The Chinese regarded constitutionalism as a means to how to centralize the state power to be a leading strength in course of the national recovery rather than to de-centralize the state power to protect the individual rights and freedom. In conclusion, the essence of western constitutionalism lies in the "individual" as opposed to the "collective-oriented" by the trend of constitutional thought in modern China. The Chinese liberalism originated from the "May Fourth New Cultural Movement" and some noted liberals represented eminently by Dr Hu Shi had never become the main trend of constitutional thought in modern China although it had inquired the cultural context of constitutionalism based on the human value. As a matter of fact, this liberalism itself embraced the conception of profound nationalism. Therefore, the norm of "richness-and-strength-as-a-purpose, constitutionalism-as-a-tool" has been assumed to be one of the almost important models within the trend of Chinese constitutional thought, which had caused the Chinese to find it rather uneasy that they took a scientific way to meditate their own cultural tradition and to face the west reasonably. With its distinction from the originality of constitutionalism, it is noted that the Chinese model of constitutionalism would dilute of what the constitutionalism is for the meaningfulness of human being. As a consequence, the thought of Chinese constitutionalism has its own distinctive cultural characteristics at its beginning as opposed to the west.Little research into the trend of constitutional thought in modern China sees a <WP=5>comparative thinness of legal history study. After reading and mastering a large volume of information and materials, the author attempts to further argue the Chinese contitutionalism’s commence, development process, context, characteristics and values with the comparative method and the thinking way of "open-mindedness", which is expected to demonstrate explicitly the distinctive formation model of the trend of Chinese constitutional thought, and what it is next.This dissertation consists of an introduction, six chapters and a conclusion. In the introduction part, the correlation of constitutionalism with democracy and republic is elaborated with some major conceptions related to constitutionalism by the west. Based on such analysis, the obsessing problems of why and to what extent the constitutionalism is needed are inquired and given their responses. It is concluded that the justifications of which the Chinese and the western constitutionalism are quite different resulted from distinctiveness of the Chinese constitutional thoughts.Chapter One The Hurt Traditional Universe It is the Utopia War when the Chinese started to learn from the west at large. During the process, the western learning was pounding on the Chinese traditional learning, at the same time, the Confucianism was antagonizing the Occidental le更多还原